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This framework uses the Align family of constraints to relate prosodic categories to one another, and as Ito et al , Ussishkin , and Ussishkin discuss, these constraints can be used to derive size effects. In actual analysis, this constraint will penalize any output which contains a syllable not at one edge or the other of a prosodic word, effectively limiting prosodic words to two syllables unless some higher-ranked constraint mediates against this effect.

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Since this work is concerned only with stems in IA, such a situation never will arise, and stems are limited to two syllables, capturing the maximality effect examined in this section. Instead, this literature argues that templatic patterns in word formation result from the satisfaction of high-ranking markedness constraints on prosodic output form.

Thus, where McCarthy gives templatic effects in Arabic as the result of melodic association to a morphemic CV-tier, GTT would hold that these templates are the result of satisfaction of high-ranking constraints on prosodic-word level structure.

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This is exactly the connection made in the Fixed Prosodic literature on NTM languages Ussishkin, ; Buckley, ; Ussishkin, , where it is argued that templatic form is represented in Semitic in exactly this way. Thus, the RP approach shares with these works the assumption in 22b. In the RP approach, the input to any particular derived verb in an NTM language consists of the consonantal root, a set of vocalic affixes, and any prefixal or suffixal material.

Positing a root qua morpheme not only allows for derivation of root-specific morphological processes, but also avoids the worry noted by Marantz that word-based approaches will be forced to posit output-output faithfulness to base forms which are not independently attested in the language at large. Another way of stating the aims of GTT is to say that where faithfulness constraints do not dictate otherwise, default word-level prosodic form will result.

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The portion of the input and output strings standing in correspondence forms a continuous string. Output forms which insert segments between, for instance, members of the consonantal root, therefore do not incur fatal faithfulness violations ensured by the low-ranking Contiguity in such languages , and are actually optimal from the perspective of highly-valued prosody.

Specifically, the RP approach requires the existence of only three major classes of constraints, each of which have been shown to be independently needed, even for languages which do not display NTM behavior:. Constraints of the kind in 24a were motivated in section 1, and thus are needed for any analysis of Arabic, independent of the RP approach.

Similar considerations are true for the alignment constraints in 24b. Thus, the RP approach does not need to appeal to extra considerations such as the OO-Faith family of constraints Benua, and is desirable for deriving root-derived words from a parsimony point of view. In order to capture facts concerning inflection, one could pair the discussion below with the Optimal Paradigms analysis argued for in McCarthy , understanding the output of the subsequent sections as the stem-level input to Optimal Paradigms. Such a full integration of the RP approach with Optimal Paradigms must be, however, the topic of future work for reasons of space.

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Table 2 gives the eight patterns which exist in IA for 2 and 3-consonantal roots. The second reason to doubt such an input is that it would violate the Obligatory Contour Principle. While it is not an a priori necessity that inputs should have to respect such a constraint, the subsequent sections will show that these forms can be analyzed without having to posit inputs which do violate it. Thus, from the perspective of theoretical parsimony, a bivocalic affix is rejected as the input to forms which show two identical vowels for the output.

One can see that for triliteral roots, complex margins are present only in forms which contain a segmental affix over and above the root and vowel i. When viewed against the fact that these same forms VII, VIII, and X are monosyllabic for biliteral roots, one can extract the following generalization:. This generalization is captured in sections 2. This input material is usually analyzed as a mora Ussishkin, However, as section 2. In fact, the analysis below predicts that such an input, as long as it is not accompanied by further vocalic affixes, will surface faithfully. This is a welcome result from the perspective of morpho-phonology, since such a word is well formed, phonologically.

However, this also means that the learner of Arabic needs some other evidence to arrive at positing a consonantal root. That evidence comes from the morphosyntactic alternation of such vocalic material. Once this input is considered, the consonantal root must be posited if Lexicon Optimization is to be maintained, as an input with vowels already specified would have a more unfaithful mapping to the surface output than an input with a purely consonantal root.

With this understanding of the inputs in the IA verbal system in mind, the next sections turn to outlining the RP analysis in detail. A segment in the output has a single correspondent in the input. Whereas the constraint in that section focused on the head foot, this constraint concerns itself with the position of the head syllable with respect to the co-final edge.

This is in line with the generalization in the preceding section that complex margins in IA are only tolerated at the cost of linearizing other affixal material, which is not present in form I. The relevant ranking argument is in Tableau However, including a constraint which punishes metathesis of input material and the constraints on consonant moraicity as given in section 1. These constraints need not be ranked with respect to the undominated constraints in the two previous tableaux, as tableau Notice that normally coda consonants are not moraic in this position in the language at large, as section 1.

However, with the addition of the new constraints in Tableau 7, the only way in which a candidate can avoid violating NonFin is to violate some other, more highly ranked, constraint, and thus moraic consonants are tolerated word-finally because of the inconsequence of NonFin.

Since these constraints are universally satisfied, they will not be shown unless candidates which violate them are informative over and above the generalizations established for biliteral roots here. The reason for the ungrammaticality of these candidates, we argue, is that they do not align the root material with the edge of the prosodic word. This can be formalized with the constraint in 35 , and ranking it above Contiguity ensures that such forms do not surface: Align -R oo t :.

The right edge of every root is aligned to the right edge of some prosodic word. Assign one violation mark for each root segment not properly aligned. The left edge of every root is aligned to the left edge of some prosodic word. Align - Rt. This result, furthermore, was reached without using any constraints not standardly assumed in the literature on Optimality Theory and GTT.

The final ranking arguments arrived at in this section are summarized in 36 :. The first of these problems is one common to any analysis of Arabic see, e. The problem is how an analysis which treats forms II and III as differing from I only in the inclusion of an additional morpheme can successfully ensure that inputs to form II verbs do not surface as form III verbs, and vice-versa.

In form II, this association occurs from to a CVCCVC template, and a combination of delinking and spreading ensures that the medial root consonant geminatesinstead of the vowel. It is not the intent of this paper to argue explicitly against this account, but notice that it derives the form II and form III differences from a lexical contrast in template.

On the explanatory side, then, the analysis in McCarthy , leaves some unanswered questions.

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This analysis cannot be easily ported into the RP approach, not only because such autosegmental associations do not occur, but also because the RP approach attempts to do away with templatic information. The assumption of a floating mora in the input, consistent with the analysis of these patterns in Moore , Ussishkin and others approximates such templatic information, and thus should be dispreferred under the assumptions of the RP approach.

The building of particular prosodic templates, nuclear versus consonantal morae, indexed morae see Ussishkin, ch. Thus one is perfectly justified in assuming a particular analysis of forms II and III, provided that the analysis assumes the existence of a consonantal root morpheme and not a CV-tier or prosodic skeleton. While such covert morphology is to be avoided wherever possible, its inclusion allows for removal of prosodic material in the input which is in line with the general theoretical claims made in the RP approach. The idea is that the inclusion of such null morphology serves to key the derivation toward its ultimate goal of either a form II or III verb when included in derivations.

This is problematic on the account given in the previous section, since it was shown there that NonFin F must be dominated by Integrity. The morpehme-specific markedness constraint option, then, appears to be a reasonable formalization of a solution to this problem. All that remains is to define a set of lexically-indexed markedness constraints which make reference to these two inputs.

The following two will suffice:. NonFin F 2,3 :. NoLongv owel 2 :. Outputs containing a realization of a morpheme marked 2 do not contain long vowels. This is not shown in tableaux which follow, as the general strategy of deriving templatic effects with no prosodic material in the input means that such constraints must be ranked quite low in NTM languages. NonFin F 2,3. NoLongV 2. Turning to triliteral verbs, the ranking just established carries over unaltered, as Tableau 14 shows:. However, for reasons of space, explicit tableaux are omitted here, though they can be constructed easily from Tableau 14, mutatis mutandis This analysis does not differ from its predecessors in claiming that it is the notion of length which separates forms II and III from form I, it does differ in the way in which this length difference is cached out theoretically.

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Specifically, since the goal of the RP approach is to derive all templatic information, one could entertain the stronger claim in 39 concerning templatic information in the input:. Specifically, it was shown in Tableau 12 that syllable-final consonants are required to be moraic because of the activity of NonFin F 2,3 and NoLongV 2. Thus the RP approach can maintain this length-contrast-based analysis of forms II and III while eliminating the need for prosodic material in the input, as long as one is prepared to meet the challenge of prosodic augmentation with indexed markedness constraints.

The approach advanced here amounts to claiming that instead of there being a subset of derived verbs which are formed in IA by prosodic augmentation, IA instead possesses two distinct prosodic paradigms into which verbs are classified, with each paradigm possessing its own notion of optimal prosodic form. These verbs are repeated from above in Table 3.

This can be formally captured by defining constraints of the Generalized Alignment family which position each affix in linear prosodic structure.

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For ease of exposition, this work assumes that there are two classes of such affixes, and simply defines two placeholder constraints over these groups: Align the left edge of affixes belonging to the class prefix 1 to the left edge of some prosodic word. Align - pre 1. This analysis is also in accord with the generalization about the distribution of complex margins given above. The relevant constraint is as in 41 and the ranking argument given in Tableau Align the left edge of affixes belonging to the class prefix 2 to the left edge of some prosodic word.

Align - pre 2. Violation of Align - pre 2 must be minimal, however, as the failure of candidate b shows. The only difference expected is the edge-aligned inclusion of the affixal material, which is exactly what is attested for biliteral roots in these forms. This is impossible when the only input material is a consonantal root and single vowel for triliterals.

Generalizing from the arguments in this section, one can add the following ranking arguments to those at the end of the previous section:. Specifically, form VIII shows alternations in voicing and continuancy which are not reflected in the language at large:. All that is needed are the following three constraints:. Corresponding segments in the root have identical feature specifications.

Agree-Voi stands in as a placeholder constraint for any markedness constraint sufficiently defined to trigger such assimilation. The interesting constraint in the RP approach is the constraint in 46 , Faith-Rt , as this constraint cannot be defined as it is above in frameworks which do not admit the existence of the consonantal root. Because Faith is here relativized to the root consonants given in the input, the RP approach provides a formal means of distinguishing root consonants from other consonants in the output.

This constraint is crucial to the RP analysis of these forms though it need not be ranked , as Tableau 18 demonstrates:. Agree - Voi. Faith - Rt. In any framework which does not admit the existence of the consonantal root, and therefore treats all output consonants the same predicts that voicing assimilation in this pattern should be regressive the directionality of assimilation in the language at large. This candidate b should then surface, contrary to fact.

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ZIP dans un répertoire externe. Paraguay - Español. México - Español. Ce site utilise des cookies pour l'analyse, ainsi que pour les contenus et publicités personnalisés. Suisse - Français. In Mifsud, M. F oo tBin arity : Feet are binary at the level of the mora.

However, having Faith-Rt as an available constraint means that it can be dominated, and excessive unfaithfulness to roots is expected, under limited circumstances. Note, too, that this option is not available for an approach which denies the existence of the consonantal root and therefore cannot separate root instances of semivowels from their non-assimilating, nonroot counterparts without also predicting that they should undergo regressive voicing assimilation, contrary to fact.

In order to formalize this alternation in the RP approach, let us assume the following constraints:. Sonority does not fall from onset to nucleus; Sonority does not rise from nucleus to coda. As to the rest of the analysis of this assimilation, Tableau 20 provides the relevant rankings:. This is a particularly appealing result because the key generalization at play in these alternations is that the phonology has special access to consonants qua root consonants in these forms. This generalization is thus captured under the RP approach, and provides a reason to prefer it.

The last section of the analysis turns to sketching out some of the theoretical implications of the RP approach advanced here. The first of these is an explanation for a previously noticed fact concerning the templatic shape of words in Arabic. It has commonly been noted that default prosodic form in Arabic and Hebrew displays an apparent anti-tendency, to borrow a term from Clements Specifically, templates in such languages consistently end in a consonant, with the default prosodic word in Arabic, for instance, being CVCVC. This is particularly surprising from the perspective of syllable markedness, which notes that CV syllables i.

The approach here does not need such a constraint, however, as it has instead the family of constraints Align-Root see section 2. This process takes different autosegmental tiers and linearizes them with respect to one another, creating a pronounceable output string. Such a process is strange from the point of view of more concatenative languages, where it is not needed, and thus any theory which does away with it is desirable from the standpoint of GTT. RP is such a theory, since it claims that prosodic constraints drive Tier Conflation.

Thus, no such mechanism is needed. This is particularly useful since, as discussed in Marantz , this assumption is made in the Fixed-Prosodic literature. These works relate the derivational verbs to a form Ilfaial base, but not all such putative form I bases exist as independently attested output forms. In the RP approach, the existence of the root qua morpheme allows any suitable theory of selectional restrictions to avoid predicting such troubling unattested bases.

NTM languages are, from a typological perspective, quite rare, and RP explains why this is. This is schematized in 52 :. This means that, unlike earlier approaches which couched the difference between NTM and, e. All that is different is the ranking of Contiguity with respect to MP-Markedness. This approach also has argued for the necessity of the consonantal root qua morpheme and theundesirability of the template.

In examining the properties of the RP approach, a careful understanding of the Iraqi Arabic verbal system was given, the first of its kind in the generative phonological literature. While psycholinguistic data on the afixal status of vocalic material is more mixed see, e. This view is able to emerge because the RP approach takes discontinuous linearization of root and affixal material to be governed entirely by independently needed constraints on prosodic form. An interesting prediction of this approach is that it becomes impossible, a priori, to derive a nonconcatenative templatic morphology without high-ranking prosodic constraints that are demonstrably active elsewhere in the language at large.

However, to the extent that this work has proved successful, morphophonology now can more clearly ask the question: what is the root, and how do NTM languages make use of it? Arad , Maya Locality constraints on the interpretation of roots: The case of Hebrew denominal verbs. Roots and Patterns: Hebrew Morpho-syntax.

Dodrecht: Springer. Bat-El , Outi Stem modification and cluster transfer in Modern Hebrew. True truncation in colloquial Hebrew imperatives. Anti-faithfulness: An inherent morphological property. In Lecarme, J. Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Becker , Michael Doctoral Dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Benua , Laura Phonological Relations between Words. New York: Garland. Roots, stems, and the universality of lexical representations: Evidence from Hebrew.

Cognition Allomorphic variation in Arabic: Implications for lexical processing and representation. Brain and Language Abstract morphemes and lexical representation: The CV-skeleton in Arabic. Arabic morphology in the neural language system. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience: Buckley , Eugene Emergent vowels in Tigrinya templates. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Chomsky , Noam The Morphophonemics of Modern Hebrew. Clements , G. Nick Berber syllabficiation: derivations or constraints?

In Roca, I. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Davis , Stuart Emphasis in grounded phonology. Linguistic Inquiry Verbs and nouns are organized and accessed differently in the mental lexicon: evidence from Hebrew. Diesing , Molly; Jelinek , Eloise Distributing arguments. Natural Language Semantics 3: Erwin , William M. Flack , Kathryn Templatic morphology and indexed markedness constraints. Frost , Ram; Forster , Kenneth I. What can we learn from the morphology of Hebrew? A masked-priming investigation of morphological representation.

Goldsmith , John A Autosegmental phonology. Bloomington: Indiana University Linguistics Club. Gouskova , Maria The reduplicative template in Tonkawa. Phonology Halle , Morris; Marantz , Alec Distributed morphology and the pieces of inflection. In Hale, K. Some key features of distributed morphology. In Carnie, A. Hankamer , Jorge; Aissen , Judith The sonority hierarchy. Prosodic faithfulness and correspondence: Evidence from a Japanese argot.

Journal of East Asian Linguistics 5: Kramer , Ruth Nonconcatenative morphology in Coptic. In Kaplan, A. Marantz , Alec McCarthy , John J. Formal Problems in Semitic Phonology and Morphology. Doctoral Dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology. A prosodic theory of nonconcatenative morphology. J'ai trouvé cette question avec la même erreur mais sans solution Impossible de lancer gedit avec sudo. Voici les instructions:.

Xauthority does not exist. Enfin, j'ai trouvé une réponse. À partir de cette question, Impossible de se connecter à X Server lors de l'exécution de l'application avec sudo et surtout cette question Erreur lorsque vous essayez d'exécuter une application avec sudo ou gksudo. Est-ce que d'autres recherches, en particulier cette réponse, lien et que j'ai réalisé que je devais ajouter plus d'options au fichier visudo. L'exécution d'applications d'interface graphique en tant que root peut entraîner une corruption de fichiers, en particulier si l'application d'interface graphique est un éditeur de texte.

En plus de cela, gksu et gksudo ne fonctionnent pas pour démarrer des applications graphiques en tant que root dans Wayland dans Ubuntu Nautilus Admin nautilus-admin est une simple extension Python pour le gestionnaire de fichiers Nautilus qui ajoute des actions administratives au menu contextuel:.

Bien qu'il existe des commandes pour exécuter des applications graphiques en tant que root, il est fortement conseillé d'utiliser l'éditeur de texte nano, qui est normalement exécuté depuis le terminal, pour éditer les fichiers en tant que root. L'éditeur de texte nano est inclus dans l'installation par défaut d'Ubuntu.

Nano est très facile à utiliser. Les instructions d'utilisation de l'éditeur nano se trouvent toujours au bas de chaque page. Les deux seuls raccourcis clavier nano que vous devez connaître sont WriteOut et Exit. Vous serez invité à entrer votre mot de passe, puis le fichier sera ouvert pour modification en tant que root. Je viens d'avoir un problème similaire.

J'utilise Debian Jessie et pour démarrer gedit en tant que root, cette ligne fonctionnait enfin:. Si cela fonctionne, cela signifie probablement que vous devez ajouter une option aux fichiers de configuration sudo.

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